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March 1, 1862—pg. 1REVIEW OF THE WEEK.
Progress of the War.
The hard hand of power is relentlessly closing upon and crushing the rebellion. The great success of the week has been a bloodless one, but the most important and significant yet achieved. The rebel forces have retreated from Nashville, Tennessee, and that place is now occupied by our armies—a demonstration alike of the weakness of the enemy and of the irresistible power that is moving down upon them. Columbus is still held, but our troops are moving to its rear and will break its southern connections. It must now be evacuated or reduced. The rebel armies are completely swept from Missouri, and Gen Price has suffered a series of defeats on his flight southward that have substantially demoralized and broken up his army. The Burnside expedition has disposed of its encumbrance of secesh prisoners, received reinforcements and ammunition, and is about to make a descent upon the mainland, an exploration of the Chowan having revealed the position and strength of the enemy to be met, and resulted in the partial destruction of the town of Winton, where the rebels sheltered themselves and fired upon the fleet[.] Gen Butler’s expedition is now fully embarked, and is evidently destined for important work somewhere on the Gulf coast. The approaches to Savannah are commanded by our fleet, and everything is ready for the long expected attack. The army of the Potomac has been mobilized and awaits its opportunity to strike the heaviest blow of all; and everything conspires to sustain the confidence, raised by the great victories at the West, that the crushing process, now fully in operation, is to be swift and sure. The permanent government of the confederacy has been inaugurated this week at Richmond, with Jeff Davis as president and Alexander H. Stephens as vice president for six years, but the extent of its permanency is “a question of time,” and although the rebel president puts a bold face upon it, the disaffection seen in his own capital, the reproaches heaped upon him in his own congress in this hour of his peril, and the pregnant signs of reaction among his unwilling subjects, contribute to the gloom and despondency caused by the signal defeats his armies are experiencing in the field. To take away the last prop of hope, news comes from abroad at this time of despair at Richmond, that the British cabinet has distinctly refused the magnificent offer of the rebel agents, and declined to recognize the confederacy, to interfere with the blockade, or to render the rebels assistance in any way. Thus everything is against the bad cause, and it needs but the vigorous onward movement of our armies completely to annihilate it, and sweep its offensive remains out of sight, almost before the astonished world has learned that the work has begun.
OCCUPATION OF NASHVILLE.
The great victories on the Tennessee and Cumberland have been followed up by the occupation of Nashville by our western army. It was supposed that the rebels would defend Clarksville, the most important point between Fort Donelson and Nashville, and that they would concentrate all their available forces for a final stand at the capital of Tennessee—the most valuable and essential position to them in all the West—but they have abandoned both places without a show of resistance, and have fallen back to Murfreesboro, thirty miles south of Nashville, where they threaten to oppose the advance of our armies. Nashville was important to the confederates on many accounts, chiefly as a center of the railroad system of Kentucky, Tennessee and the South and Southwest, and as the great manufactory and storehouse of munitions of war and army supplies. In this respect its loss is irreparable, for the confederates have nowhere else the machinery and other facilities they had collected at Nashville, and they must very soon begin to feel its loss in a scarcity of war material. They doubtless removed on the railroad by which they retreated a large amount of the munitions already prepared, but must nevertheless have left behind much which they had not time and means to remove. The Union feeling so rapidly developed in Tennessee upon the approach of the national troops doubtless had something to do with the retreat of the rebel army from Nashville, but it is evident that the retreat from Bowling Green partook very much of the nature of a rout and panic, and the great reverses at Fort Henry and Fort Donelson, coming in connection with these events, must have very much demoralized the rebel army, so that the leaders may have wisely decided that it would be impossible to defend Nashville with any hope of success, and the dispersion or capture there of their remaining forces would have pretty much ended the campaign in the Mississippi valley. The retreat to Murfreesboro would thus seem to indicate military sagacity and a determination to continue the struggle.
THE MORAL EFFECT.
Upon the determination to abandon Nashville, the Tennessee legislature removed to Memphis, and the disloyal portion of the citizens fled thither or in other directions southward. The panic throughout the whole state is represented as very great, and with the consciousness of the power of the general government, the Union feeling, always strong in Tennessee, found rapid and joyful expression. Whether the Union men will be able to repossess themselves of the state government at once is not quite certain, and for the present Gen Grant has declared the state under martial law. There are various reports as to the disposition of Gov Harris and the state legislature, and as the leaders there, as elsewhere, have gone into secession from sheer lack of principle, and sold themselves to the work of subjugating their own state, they are doubtless now in a frame of mind to cry “Good Lord” or “Good Devil,” as they may estimate their chances of lighting on the winning side. Gov Harris is however reported to have made a savage war speech at Murfreesboro, which was to be expected of a man who must feel that his neck is too far in to be withdrawn, and that he must fight it our or hang with the rest. But the popular feeling of Tennessee takes quite the other direction, and there is no doubt that the state will be again in the Union by the act of its people so soon as the rebel armies are expelled from the soil. Com Foote finds the Union feeling on the Tennessee river so decided and trustworthy, that he has sent a small gunboat fleet on a third exploration up the river, with a regiment from Fort Henry, to assist the Union men in southern Tennessee and northern Alabama to organize for mutual protection and resistance to the rebellion. As the railroad from Nashville, by way of Murfreesboro, to Memphis, passes through that region, the Union men there have it in their power to do important service to the national cause. The moral effect of our victories is most excellent upon the prisoners taken. They find themselves at once disabused of the falsehood and prejudice by which the leaders had stimulated them to rebellion, and some thousands of them now profess loyalty and an earnest desire to atone for the mischief they have done, by fighting on the side of the Union.
DOWN THE MISSISSIPPI.
From East Tennessee we learn only that Cumberland Gap and the approaches to Knoxville are occupied by the federal troops. And at Columbus the situation of things is not quite apparent. A reconnaissance down the river from Cairo, a few days since, made the discovery that the rebels at Columbus had changed their position somewhat, and that they had seized all the flatboats and skiffs on the river, which looks very much like getting ready to evacuate their stronghold. A rebel steamer came out from Columbus with a flag of truce, and several rebel officers went on board the gunboat Cincinnati, and had a long conference with the federal officers, the purport of which is not disclosed. The fact of the return of the fleet to Cairo without any hostile demonstration, and the close reticence as to the interview with the rebels has led to a conjecture that the evacuation of Columbus is decided to the last. Strong defensive preparations are also making at Memphis, and the cotton bales stored there for a market will be used as a protection against Yankee bombs and bullets. There have been intimations of a land force sent down from Cairo to destroy the railroad south of Columbus, and so
cut off the retreat of the rebels except by river, which is important if practicable, for notwithstanding the successes of our army on the Cumberland, its position is not without risk so long as the rebels at Murfreesboro and Columbus have the means of uniting their forces at Memphis, or some other point, and their joint army would pretty largely outnumber our army of the Cumberland. The military operations in the Mississippi valley must soon converge to a very narrow space, and after Columbus is cleared out there will probably be a junction of the various forces on both sides for a grand and decisive engagement, either at Memphis, or some point in that vicinity.
THE MISSOURI PRICE CURRENT.
The fragmentary reports we get from our army in pursuit of Price indicate that they are having “a running fight” for a considerable distance beyond the Arkansas line. Albert Pike gave temporary comfort to the rebels at Richmond, the other day, by a report of a great victory by Price, in which he had killed seven hundred of the federals, but this was only Pike’s version of the Sugar Creek battle, where Price was badly whipped and lost most of his baggage, and more prisoners than Gen Curtis knew what to do with. There has been a later engagement at Cross Hollow, where Price suffered a defeat, and fled again, leaving his sick and wounded to be cared for by our troops. Although Price has thus far eluded capture and evaded any decisive engagement, his army must by this time be nearly used up, and Gen Curtis seems to be bent upon following him up, whatever distance he may run southward. Missouri has again been swept clean of secession armies, and her disloyal citizens generally show a disposition to accept their destiny and acquiesce in the authority of the government. Farther west, we only hear that the Kansas expedition has not yet moved southward, and that Gen Jim Lane, since he cannot have the chief command has renounced his military ambition, and will come back to his chair in the Senate. From New Mexico we expect news of severe fighting with an invading force from Texas, as both parties were approaching each other at last accounts, and the Texans were under the necessity of fighting to avoid starvation.
BURNSIDE MOVING AGAIN.
We hear, at first through rebel sources, of further operations by the Burnside expedition. Having relieved itself of its burden of rebel prisoners by their release on parole by way of exchange, and having received reinforcements and a fresh supply of munitions of war, an exploration up the Chowan river has been made by a portion of the fleet, preparatory to operations upon the main land. The destruction of the railroad bridges on the Chowan and Blackwater rivers was intended, but before reaching them the enemy were discovered in force at Winton. They sheltered themselves behind the houses and fired upon the gunboats, and were replied to with shells, which set fire to the town. The rebels then retreated, leaving the town to its fate, but our troops landed and succeeded in arresting the flames and preventing a disastrous conflagration. The rebels, however, reported the place entirely destroyed. Several of our gunboats have also entered the Roanoke river, and the rebels are much puzzled as to what point most needs defense, retreating from all points, and leaving the Yankees a free choice. It is their evident expectation that Gen Burnside will attack Norfolk simultaneously with an attack by Gen Wool on the other side, but it is quite as likely that he will occupy the railroad at Weldon, and so be able to cut off his retreat from Richmond, or move against it, as may be necessary.
THE OTHER COAST EXPEDITIONS.
Rumors of the capture of Savannah come along every few days, but they all prove premature. Our fleet has command of the approaches to the city, and everything seems to be ready for the attack whenever the signal shall be given. The cause for the delay will doubtless be explained by events, as has been the case elsewhere.—The Butler expedition is not yet fully off. Gen Butler has received his final instructions, and the last regiments of his command are embarking at Portland. Whatever may be the work assigned to Gen Butler, it is evidently important, for he is to have the aid of a considerable gunboat and mortar fleet, and his expedition will be a formidable one. Com Woodhull, who has recently returned from a trip along the southern and gulf coasts, reports to the navy department that the blockade is as complete and as zealously enforced as it is possible to make it, and much more effective than he ever supposed it could be made, considering the natural difficulties to be overcome. It is evident that although the English sympathisers with the rebellion attempted to make out a case against the efficiency of the blockade, its practical efficiency is the real ground of their complaint, and it is a great credit to the quiet energy of the navy department, that with the work of creating a navy on its hands, it has accomplished so much in so brief a time.
A MOVEMENT FROM THE POTOMAC.
No sane man has doubted that Gen McClellan intended to accomplish important work with his well-trained army of the Potomac, and the indications increase daily that the hour for its activity is just at hand. The various divisions of the grand army have had their places assigned them, and know what part they are to perform in the coming drama, and everything is in readiness for instant movement and action. There are various conjectures as to the line of movement, but Gen McClellan has at least demonstrated his power of wise reticence thus far, and his friends are confident that his ability to plan and execute the most extensive and important military combinations and movements is to be very soon demonstrated beyond doubt or cavil. A joint attack on Norfolk by Burnside and Wool; a land and water attack on Yorktown; a movement up the Occoquan, to outflank Manassas and compel the rebel army to fight in open field—these are some of the many guesses as to the undeveloped strategy on the Potomac. There is no more convincing evidence that the most important movements are immediately to take place there than the act of the war department in assuming control of the telegraph lines and prohibiting the publication of military news. This prohibition does not of course cover the past, but only information as to new movements or such recent movements as would indicate the plan of the campaign, and the publication of which might be useful to the enemy; for in spite of all possible precautions the Washington and New York papers reach Richmond daily, and as regularly and speedily as they ever did. Newspapers that give aid to the enemy by any violation of these injunctions will be denied the use of the telegraph and excluded from the railroads, as a punishment—a stringent measure, but doubtless found indispensable to the secrecy essential to success in important strategic movements. Wind and weather permitting, the operations in Virginia within the next fortnight are likely to be of the highest interest and importance.
THE PERMANENT REBEL GOVERNMENT.
The inauguration of Jeff Davis as president over the confederacy for six years took place at Richmond on Saturday last. The recent disasters to the rebel armies had conspired to render the occasion a very solemn one, and while the inauguration services were in progress Davis received the news of the evacuation of Nashville by his demoralized army of the West. In the rebel congress too, “Hangman Foote,” his old rival, united with Boyce of South Carolina in a violent attack upon his administration, evidently with the purpose of turning the coming storm of southern vengeance against Davis and his associates in the rebel executive, and the Richmond Whig joined in the cry, with still greater bitterness, declaring failure in history and the pageant of inauguration a bitter mockery. Union meetings in Richmond, sign of disaffection among the foreign population, and disloyalty to the rebellion in the government workshops, are among the indications that in Virginia too, as well as in Tennessee, the triumphant advance of our armies will be welcomed by an outburst of he old love for the Union. Yet Davis puts a bold face upon the matter, and his
inaugural is as calm and confident as if success were certain.
We have yet no accounts of the effect of our victories abroad, but no effort has been made in the British parliament to procure a recognition of the confederacy or an attempt to break the blockade and the declarations made show that we have nothing to fear in that quarter for the present, either from the British cabinet or the opposition party. Indeed the confederate agents have been definitely informed by Earl Russell that it will be of no use to renew their solicitations for the recognition until the confederacy has vindicated its independence. The foreign matter now most likely to involve us in difficulty is the attempt of the allied powers, England, France and Spain, to subjugate Mexico, with the manifest intention, half avowed and half denied, to erect a monarchy over the Mexicans and place Maximilian of Austria on the throne. Lord Palmerston has denied in the British parliament that the allies intend to dictate any form of government to the Mexicans, “which they may not be willing to accept,” but he proceeds to intimate that there is a monarchical party in Mexico, which may possibly come into power, and that England will be glad to see there a firm government of some sort. Doubtless there will be a party in Mexico to vote Maximilian its emperor, but he can only come into power by the support of European bayonets, and by silencing the Mexican people. Our own government has the condition of Mexico under consideration, and the president has nominated Gen Scott as ambassador extraordinary to that country, to manage an intervention of some sort, but the matter sticks in the Senate, partly from distrust of the propriety of sending Gen Scott on such a mission in his present state of mental and physical weakness, and partly from an apprehension that we may involve ourselves more deeply in the quarrel than we can afford to do at present. It is certain that if we were not in our present home difficulty such an attempt on Mexico would never have been made, or if made would have been resisted by our government and people.
There are more signs of work in the congressional record this week, though the Senate is wasting time in another hair-splitting discussion concerning the disloyalty of another of its members, Mr Starke, the new senator from Oregon; and the House is doing worse by considering propositions to award the praise of recent national victories to certain officers, with an oblique rebuke of other persons. As to Mr Starke, he seems to have committed no disloyal act, but early in the revolution, to have expressed personal sympathy with the South,--rather narrow ground, it must be confessed, in these days of violent conversions to nationality and generous forgiveness, for the denial of a seat, which holds only till the legislature of his state can fill the vacancy. Then as to the true measure of credit or discredit for the respective actions and non-actions of our armies, all deserving men and the people can afford to wait till the truth of history gets evolved from the present mass of contradictions and disputed claims. The public only cares now to know that the things are done—we shall have plenty of time by and by to distribute the rewards of merit, justly and honorably. There is no occasion for haste, on the part of the congressional politicians, in making or unmaking future presidential candidates. The House has done a good thing in putting Gen Halleck’s principle and practice in regard to fugitive slaves into an army regulation. The army and navy are alike forbidden by it to have anything to do with the return of fugitive slaves. That, as Gen Halleck said, is a matter for civil law and civil magistrates—the army knows nothing about property in slavery, or the laws that govern it. The House has passed another little bill, which we hope the Senate will confirm as well as that, establishing a system of money orders in connection with the post office department, and by which one post office draws upon another for the convenience of people who wish to make small remittances. The two branches have united in establishing 241 as the number of members of the House of Representatives, under the census of 1800, with special allowance of an additional member to each of the states of Pennsylvania, Ohio, Kentucky, Iowa, Illinois, Minnesota, Vermont and Rhode Island, because of the large fractions of unrepresented population which they would otherwise have. This will make the House consist of 249 members for the next ten years, provided, of course, the rebel states come back and send the representatives they are allowed under the bill. Bills for the confiscation of the property of rebels, and to assist in the care of the freed slaves in South Carolina, by the organization and use of their labor, are under consideration, and being pressed to early passage, as most desirable. Congress is certainly quite laggard with its part of the duties of the present crisis and its mouth is well-estopped from further complaint, either of the executive or the armies.
THE GOVERNMENT FINANCES.
The most important acts of Congress for the week relate, however, to the manufacture of paper money for the satisfaction of the pressing demands of the public creditors. The treasury note bill, after near two months tedious discussion and incomprehensible delays, has been perfected by a compromise of the contending financial theories, and has become a law. It authorizes the issue, in all, of one hundred and fifty millions of government paper money, secured from nominal depreciation by being made a legal tender, and thus put on a par with coin, and secured also so far as possible from real depreciation by being made convertible into government scrip or stock, whose interest and the interest of all other government bonds or notes shall be paid in coin, to obtain which all duties on imports are by exception to be paid in coin. To some extent, we suppose, these treasury notes will supplant the bank notes, and they certainly will monopolize the open field for an inflation of our currency which the banks would otherwise have grabbed at and supplied with much less security and comfort to the public. It is the beginning, we predict and hope, of a national currency, in one form or another, and ultimately supplanting entirely the present often unintelligent and insecure issues of the thousand and one state banks. The bill also provides, as its second great feature, for five hundred millions of government bonds or stock, payable in 20 years or sooner, and bearing 6 per cent interest. Another act of Congress, for the temporary relief of public creditors, authorizes the issue of certificates of public indebtedness, of not less than $1000 each, on which interest at 6 per cent is payable, and which are to be paid within one year from date. We are promised that the new tax and tariff bills will be presented from the committee of ways and means in another week. It is probable that land will escape with light or no taxation; but that the most of the vast sum to be raised will be distributed in duties on foreign importations, and in such excise and internal taxes, as will fall with light effect on the great body of the people, drawing their living from cultivating farms or by daily manual labor.
The legislature has little to show for its two months of service, and probably has two months more of daily sessions before it. It is hard work for it to have done with anything; and it belittles itself and the commonwealth with making much of trifles, and in acting and counter-acting, passing and rejecting, adopting and reconsidering, on every important subject before it. The standard dish of the Senate for the week has been the bill to perfect the system of state aid to the families of our volunteers; and the money that it threatens to absorb makes our legislators cautious, if it does not sicken them of the whole business. Already claims to the amount of half a million dollars have been presented, under the bill of the extra session, and the system, as proposed to be perfected, is likely to drain the treasury of two millions a year. The Senate persistently refuses to enlarge the system so as to include the families of naval volunteers, and has adopted a proper amendment cutting off those volunteers who do not allot half their pay to their families also. Cities and towns have shown a disposition to cheat the state in presenting claims, and one proposition of the pending bill provides that the state shall only pay three-fourths of the allowan-
ces made by the local authorities. The House has kept before it during the week the Senate bill to relieve Catholic children from the necessity of reading the Protestant Bible in schools,— passing it early by the strong vote of 115 to 74, but reviving it on a question to reconsider, which finally failed on Thursday. So that step forward is secure; but the question has other forms of detail and application to be considered and settled somewhere yet. The large majority for the bill was wholly from the eastern part of the state. The rural districts of the five western counties were hardly ready to grant such full freedom of conscience to the Catholics; and their vote was equally divided. Some of the old women in the legislature are disturbed because Elizur Wright, in his insurance report, indulged his taste for radical, anti-slavery dogmatism by a cunning hit at the general government. The Senate has defeated, by only one vote however, a bill allowing the banks 6 instead of 5 per cent for the money they loan to the state; a bill is passing through requiring the interest on all the state’s bonds to be paid in specie, under the belief that this will appreciate their market value two or three per cent; and the Senate by nearly unanimous vote has initiated a resolve to repeal the famous two years amendment concerning foreign voters. The tunnel is ploughing its way in committee still, and the lobby in its interest is meanwhile ploughing with all the innocent heifers in the two branches, preparatory to the struggle. Every project before the legislature has got to pay tribute to the tunnel, as heretofore, when that project has sought legislation, or its death warrant will be speedily written. The tunnel has done more to corrupt the legislature of Massachusetts, first and last, than the whole sum of the state loan is worth.
A VIOLENT WINTRY STORM.
The elements have been on a promiscuous rampage, giving us snow, hail, rain, thawing, freezing, hurricanes, thunder and lightning, all in the course of three or four days. Railroad travel has been impeded upon lines hitherto of the utmost regularity; many persons have been frostbitten and a few cases of freezing to death occasioned; several church steeples have fallen by wind or lightning, roof been ripped off, and hundreds of chimneys prostrated; and had not the gale blown from the coast, a vast number of shipwrecks would have taken place. The marine disasters were unimportant. Sudden changes in the thermometer and barometer attended the storm on Monday, and our already large volume of snow has been increased, with no benefit to the rugged sleighing. The chance for a big spring freshet along our rivers, under the effect of sudden thaws, would be indubitable. A serious loss to the federal government was caused near Fortress Monroe by the great storm. The steamer Hoboken, employed in laying the telegraphic cable from Fortress Monroe across the bay to the eastern shore of Virginia, there to connect with a land line, suffered a wreck on Cape Henry, broke in two and was lost. All hands were saved. About 15 miles of the cable was destroyed before it was left, but as much more remains there in a state of suspended usefulness.
The celebration of Washington’s birthday was sufficiently general and enthusiastic to indicate not only the popular reverence for the saviour of his country from foreign tyrants, but their belief that the country is again saved from domestic traitors. The splendid illuminations of Saturday night were northern lights signifying Union principles.—The 12th Connecticut regiment, Col H. C. Deming, and the 18th Maine, Col Neal Dow, have sailed for Ship Island, and General Butler has also gone there, to take command and begin active operations with his force of about 15,000 men. The only remaining forces in New England, which may perhaps be held as reserves to be directed wherever wanted, are the 31st Massachusetts in camp at Lowell, the 8th Vermont at Brattleboro, and the 13th Connecticut at New Haven. All these troops are ready to start at very short notice.—The most terrific fire of the winter occurred at Boston, on Commercial street, last Monday night. The loss is estimated at nearly $1,000,000; half insured.
Mr Perley B. Davis has been ordained pastor of the Congregational church in Sharon, Ct.—Rev W. N. Harvey of Milford has accepted a call to become the pastor of the Congregational church in Wilton, Ct.—On the 19th inst., Mr William S. Palmer of Orfordville, N. H., was ordained to the Gospel ministry and installed pastor of the Congregational church and society at Wells River, Vt.—The Congregational church in Seymour, Ct., has been closed on account of the hard times.—Prof H. Mattison of New York has been invited to take charge of a new anti-slavery Methodist church at Washington D. C.—The Providence Methodist conference will meet at Provincetown on the 2d of April.—Rev D. W. Stevens will terminate his pastorate over the Unitarian church at Mansfield on the 1st of April.—Rev Z. E. St. John of New Bedford has accepted a call to the Universalist society of Worcester.—St Stephen’s church, Episcopal, at Providence, a beautiful edifice, costing $70,000, was consecrated on Monday.
OPINIONS AND MOVEMENTS.
The Sandwich Island papers announce the death of Rev W. C. Shipman, for six years a missionary at Kau, and reputed faithful and efficient.—The receipts of the American missionary board for January were $24,228, and the total from September 1st $102, 426. Notwithstanding the state of the country, it is remarkable that the missionary collections increase. A few days ago the churches in Philadelphia held their annual missionary meetings and increased their contributions from last year, the three principal churches giving an aggregate of $6,000. At Trinity church many life members were made, and five-hundred dollars were subscribed to constitute Gen McClellan a life patron.—A Scandinavian missionary in Minnesota writes thus to the corresponding secretary of the M. E. Missionary society. He travels a circuit of 125 miles: “I hardly know what rest is; and then I suffer both from hunger and cold very often. Not long since I had to travel 27 miles in the most extreme cold—so cold, indeed, I wonder how the horse and myself escaped. It was so cold that the mercury froze and broke the glass, and then I got into a rough log house, where not a bit of comfort ever existed; it was cold, dirty, and miserable in every respect; it tries the health and patience, too. But I always feel contented, never complained yet, and never intend to for it is not worse than my Master had it, but it is about the same and that is enough. I feel happy to share not only in blessings, but in sufferings.”—The French missionaries sent out to Quidda, on the coast of Dahomey, write home that they have been well received, and a comfortable residence assigned them. They have received an invitation to visit the king at Dahomey, and have accepted, but only on condition that their visit shall not be made a pretext for human sacrifices, with which the arrival of strangers is usually celebrated there.
The following is the proclamation for another fast by the president of the rebel confederacy, which is as devout and Christian-like in its form of words as if the writer really believed he were engaged in a holy cause—
To the People of the Confederate States: The termination of the provisional government offers a fitting occasion again to present ourselves in humiliation, prayer and thanksgiving before that God who has safely conducted us through our first year of national existence. We have been enabled to lay anew the foundations of free government and to repel the efforts of our enemies to destroy us. Law has everywhere reigned supreme, and throughout our wide-spread limits personal liberty and private right have been duly honored. A tone of earnest piety has pervaded our people, and the victories which we have obtained over our enemies have been justly ascribed to Him who ruleth the universe. We had hoped that the year would have closed upon a scene of continued prosperity, but it has pleased the Supreme Disposer of events to order it otherwise. We are not permitted to furnish an exception to the rule of Divine government, which has prescribed affliction as the discipline of nations as well as of individuals. Our faith and perseverance must be tested, and the chastening which seemeth grievous will, if rightly received, bring forth
its appropriate fruits. It is meet and right, therefore, that we should repair to the only Giver of all victory; and, humbling ourselves before Him, should pray that He may strengthen our confidence in his mighty power and righteous judgment. Then we may surely trust in Him that He will perform His promise and encompass us as with a shield. In this trust, and to this end, I, Jefferson Davis, president of the Confederate States, do hereby, invite the reverend clergy and people of the Confederate States to repair to their respective places of public worship, to humble themselves before Almighty God, and pray for His protection and favor to our beloved country, and that we may be saved from our enemies, and from the hand of all that hate us. Given under my hand and the seal of the Confederate States, at Richmond, this 20th day of February, A. D. 1862. JEFFERSON DAVIS.
Lent begins on Ash-Wednesday, March 5th, and the following are the regulations for this fast issued by the Catholic bishop of New York: 1. All the “week-days” of Lent, from Ash-Wednesday till Easter Sunday, are fast days of precept, on one meal, with the allowance of a moderate collation. 2. The precept of fasting implies also that of abstinence from the use of flesh-meat. But, by dispensation, the use of flesh-meat is allowed in this diocese at the principal mean on Mondays, Tuesdays, and Thursdays of Lent, from the first Sunday until Palm Sunday. 3. The use of flesh-meat is not allowed on Thursday next after Ash-Wednesday. 4. The abstinence from flesh-meat on Palm Sunday, which has hitherto been observed in this diocese, is dispensed with. 5. There is neither fast nor abstinence to be observed on Sundays of Lent. 6. It is not allowed to use fish with flesh-meat at the same meal. 7. There is no prohibition to use eggs, butter, or cheese, provided the rules of quantity prescribed by the fast be complied with. 8. The church excuses from the obligation of fasting (but not of abstinence from flesh-meat, except in special cases of sickness or the like) the following classes of persons: 1st, the infirm; 2d, those whose duties are of an exhausting or laborious character; 3d, persons who are only attaining their growth; 4th, women in pregnancy or nursing infants; 5th, those who are enfeebled by old age. But these persons should be persuaded on just grounds that they are entitled to exemption from the precept—so that not observing it may give no offense to their own consciences, or scandal to their neighbors. For this purpose, if they have any doubt, they will do well to consult their spiritual director, or their physician. They should, however, cherish the interior spirit of this holy season, the same as if they were able to comply with the exterior observance of fasting and mortification, a spirit of sorrow and compunction for sin, a spirit of prayer and recollection. This is the duty of all, and without this, the fast itself would be rejected by God.